Bonus 51 - Azekah Inscription

Azekah Inscription tablets (British Museum no. 81-3-13, 131) .
Photo from Hayim Tadmor “The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A
Chronological-Historical Study (Conclusion)” Journal of Cuneiform
Studies 12, No. 3 (1958): 80. The Trustees of the British Museum.

Azekah Inscription tablets (British Museum K.6205 + BM 82-3-23,131).
Photo from Na’aman, Nadav. “Sennacherib’s ‘Letter to God’ on His
Campaign to Judah.”  Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental
Research 214 (Apr., 1974): 27. Trustees of the British Museum.

Azekah Inscription tablets (K6205 + 81-3-13, 131, British Museum) are several Akkadian cuneiform tablets, discovered in 1903 by Henry Rawlinson in the Library of Ashurbanipal,1.  but identified as belonging to a single tablet by Nadav Na’aman in 1974. 2.  Initially scholars believed that the K 6205 tablet belonged to the military campaign of Tiglath-pileser III, 3. while the 81-3-13, 131 tablet 4. belonged to the military campaign of Sargon II. 5.  While Shea argues that the joined text now refers to the Sennacherib’s second campaign in 689 BC, 6.  most scholars still maintain the campaigns of Sargon II. 7.

The relevance for biblical studies is that the tablets reportedly mention the Assyrian attack by Sennacherib against Hezekiah, the king of Judah, and the conquest of Azekah (2 Kgs 18-19, 2 Chron 32). 8.
The inscription on the combined tablet has been translated as follows:

(3) […Ashur, my lord, encourage]ed me and against the land of Ju[dah I marched. In] the course of my campaign, the tribute of the ki[ng(s)... (4) […with the mig]ht of Ashur, my lord, the province of [Hezek]iah of Judah like […(5) […] the city of Azekah, his stronghold, which is between my [bo]rder and the land of Judah […(6) [like the nest of the eagle? ] located on a mountain ridge, like pointed iron daggers without number reaching high to heaven […(7) [Its walls] were strong and ricaled the highest mountains, to the (mere) sight, as if from the sky [appears its head? …(8) [by means of beaten (earth) ra]mps, mighty? Battering rams brought near, the work of […], with the attack by foot soldiers, [my] wa[rriors…(9) […] they had seen [the approach of my cav]alry and they had heard the roar of the mighty troops of the god Ashur and [their] he[arts] became afraid […(10) [The city Azekah I besieged,] I captured, I carried off its spoil, I destroyed, I devastated, [I burned with fire… 9.

Although not the final word on the subject, Becking points out:

The joined text forms a part of a “Letter to the deity” written by Sennacherib after his campaign against Juda [sic Judah] in 701 BCE. Therefore the Azriyau of the Annals of Tiglath Pileser III is nowadays interpreted as a rebel from the area of Hamath. As a result of this reconsideration of the sources a Judaean or Israelite interference in the coalition of 738 BCE is very unlikely. 10. 

 Footnotes

• 1. Henry Rawlinson, The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Bd. III: A Selection from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria, Bowler, 1870.
• 2. Nadav Na’aman, “Sennacherib’s ‘Letter to God’ on His Campaign to Judah.” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 214 (Apr., 1974): 25-39
• 3. P. Rost, Die Keilinschrifttexte Tiglat Pilesers III (Leipzig: Pfeiffer), 18-20; Hayim Tadmor, “The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 12, no. 3 (1958): 80-84.
• 4. H. Winckler. Altorientalische Forschungen II, 570-574
• 5. Nadav Na’aman, “Sennacherib’s ‘Letter to God’ on His Campaign to Judah.”  Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 214 (Apr., 1974): 26-28.
• 6. William H. Shea, “Sennacherib’s Second Palestinian Campaign,” Journal of Biblical Literature 104, no. 3 (1985): 404-407.
• 7. Hayim Tadmor, “The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study (Conclusion),” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 12, no. 3 (1958): 80-84.
• 8. See Shea for the debate over the details. Shea, “Sennacherib’s Second Palestinian Campaign,” 404-407.
• 9. David Miano and Sarah Miano, eds., Milk and Honey: Essays on Ancient Israel and the Bible in Appreciation of the Judaic Studies Program at the University of California (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2007), 126; David Miano, Shadow on the Steps: Time Measurement in Ancient Israel, Resources for Biblical Study 64 (Atlanta, Ga.: Society of Biblical Literature, 2010). 235; .
• 10. Bob Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study (Leiden: Brill, 1992), 3.

For Further Study

• Becking, Bob. The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study. Leiden: Brill, 1992.
• Borger, Riekele. Babylonisch-Assyrische Lesestucke: Heft I: Elemente der Grammatik und der Schrift Ubungsbeispiele Glossar. II:Die Texte in Umschrift. III: Kommentar die Texte in Keilschrift. Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 1963.
• Borger, Riekele. Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments. Edited by Otto Kaiser. Gütersloh, 1984  I, 4, 370.
• Dalley, Stephanie. “Yahweh in Hamath in the 8th Century BC: Cuneiform Material and Historical Deductions.” Vetus Testamentum 40, no. 1 (1990): 21-32 
• Miano, David, and Sarah Miano, eds. Milk and Honey: Essays on Ancient Israel and the Bible in Appreciation of the Judaic Studies Program at the University of California. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 2007.
• Miano, David. Shadow on the Steps: Time Measurement in Ancient Israel. Resources for Biblical Study 64. Atlanta, Ga.: Society of Biblical Literature, 2010.
• Na’aman, Nadav. “Sennacherib’s ‘Letter to God’ on His Campaign to Judah.”  Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 214 (Apr., 1974):  25-39.
• Na’aman, Nadav. “Sennacherib’s Campaign to Judah and the Date of the lmlk Stamps.”  Vetus Testamentum 29, no. 1 (1979): 61-86.
• Rawlinson, Henry. The Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Bd. III: A Selection from the Miscellaneous Inscriptions of Assyria, Bowler, 1870.
• Shea, William H. “Sennacherib’s Second Palestinian Campaign.”  Journal of Biblical Literature 104, no. 3 (1985): 401-18. 
• Tadmor, Hayim. “The Campaigns of Sargon II of Assur: A Chronological-Historical Study (Conclusion).” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 12, no. 3 (1958): 77-100. 22 f. 80-84.

Bonus 50 - Ekron Royal Dedicatory Inscription

Ekron Royal Dedicatory Inscription (Israel Museum, Jerusalem).
Public Domain

Ekron Royal Dedicatory Inscription is a limestone slab discovered during the excavations at Tel Miqne that confirms it identification as Ekron one of the five Philistine capital cities described in the Bible. Gitin, Dothan and Naveh describe the implications of this important discovery:

The inscription is unique because it contains the name of a biblical city and five of its rulers, two of whom are mentioned as kings in texts other than the Bible. The only such inscription found in situ in a securely defined, datable archaeological context, it has far-reaching implications for our understanding of the history of Ekron and Philistia. 1.

The inscription is translated as:

1) The temple (which) he built, ’kys [Achish, Ikausu] son of Padi, son of 2). Ysd, son of Ada, son of Ya’ir, ruler of Ekron, 3). for Ptgyh his lady. May she bless him, and 4). prote[ct] him, and prolong his days, and bless 5). his [l]and. 2.

Scholars generally accept that the name Ikausu (Heb ’kys) in the Ekron inscription is the same as Achish, the Philistine king of Gath from the time of Saul and Solomon (1 Sam 21:11-16; Chapters 27-29; 1 Kgs 2:39-40). 3.

And David rose and fled that day from Saul and went to Achish the king of Gath. 11 And the servants of Achish said to him, “Is not this David the king of the land? Did they not sing to one another of him in dances, ‘Saul has struck down his thousands, and David his ten thousands’?” 12 And David took these words to heart and was much afraid of Achish the king of Gath. 13 So he changed his behavior before them and pretended to be insane in their hands and made marks on the doors of the gate and let his spittle run down his beard. 14 Then Achish said to his servants, “Behold, you see the man is mad. Why then have you brought him to me? 15 Do I lack madmen, that you have brought this fellow to behave as a madman in my presence? Shall this fellow come into my house?” 1 Sam. 21:11-1.

Footnotes

• 1. Seymour Gitin, Trude Dothan and Joseph Naveh. “Ekron Identity Confirmed,” Archaeology 51, no. 1 (1998): 30.
• 2. Seymour Gitin, Trude Dothan and Joseph Naveh. “A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron.” Israel Exploration Journal 47, No. 1/2 (1997): 9.
• 3. Gitin, Dothan and Naveh. “A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron,” 11.

For Further Study

• Gitin, Seymour, Trude Dothan and Joseph Naveh. “A Royal Dedicatory Inscription from Ekron.” Israel Exploration Journal 47, No. 1/2 (1997): 1-16.
• Gitin, Seymour, Trude Dothan and Joseph Naveh. “Ekron Identity Confirmed,” Archaeology 51, no. 1 (1998): 30–31.
• James, P., “The date of the Ekron inscription — a note,” Israel Exploration Journal 55, no. 1 (2005): 90–93.
• Joseph Naveh, “Studies in West-Semitic Epigraphy,” Jerusalem (2009), 359-374.

Bonus 48 - Winged Bull of Sargon II

Colossal winged bull (lamassu) from Dur-Sharrukin
Trustees of the British Museum

In the year that the commander in chief, who was sent by Sargon the king of Assyria, came to Ashdod and fought against it and captured it—2 at that time the Lord spoke by Isaiah the son of Amoz, saying, “Go, and loose the sackcloth from your waist and take off your sandals from your feet,” and he did so, walking naked and barefoot… And the inhabitants of this coastland will say in that day, ‘Behold, this is what has happened to those in whom we hoped and to whom we fled for help to be delivered from the king of Assyria! And we, how shall we escape?’ (Isaiah 20:1-2, 6 ESV).

Until the end of the 19th century many scholars did not believe that Sargon, mentioned in the Bible (Isa 20:1), was a real historical character. They claim the biblical writers mistakenly wrote Sargon for one of the other Assyrian kings. As Holloway points out:

Prior to the excavation of Khorsabad and the identification of its builder with Sargon, early nineteenth-century biblical exegetes tended to be puzzled by the obscure Sargon... Although a handful of biblical exegetes would remain agnostic regarding Sargon’s independent existence, the Louvre exhibits from the “French Nineveh” and translations of the Khorsabad inscriptions signaled a complete victory for Sargon (II) as a textbook entity by the 1860’s.1. 

Between 1842 and 1944, the French archaeologist Paul-Emile Botta, excavated the Palace of Sargon II at Dur-Sharrukin (“the fortress of Sargon,” modern Khorsabad) and discovered the two colossal winged bulls (lamassu) (710-705 BC) with inscriptions. 2.  However, because of their size the French abandoned them at the site and in 1849 the British archaeologist Sir Henry Rawlinson bought them and solved the problem of their size (16 tons) by cutting them into pieces for easy transport back to the British Museum. King Sargon’s achievements and titles are inscribed in a detailed cuneiform inscription that resides between the legs of the winged bull. The inscription also described Sargon’s capture of Samaria (Isa 20:6) and the destruction of Ashdod in 711 BC (room 14). The Sargon prism inscription states:

25 [The inhabitants of Sa]merina, who 28) agreed 25) with a king 26 [hostile (?) to ] me, not to endure servitude 27 [and not to br]ing tribute 28 [to Ashur (?)], did battle. 29 [Wit]h the power of the great gods, my [lord]s 30 [aga]inst them I foug[ht]. 31 [2]7,280 people, together with [their] chariots, 32 and the gods, in which they trusted, as spoil 33 I counted. With 200 chariots for [my] royal force 34 from them I formed a unit. 35 The rest of them 36 I settled in the midst of Assyria. 37 I repopulated Samerina more than before. 38 People from countries, conquered by my hands, 39 I brought in it. My commissioner 40 I appointed as Governor over them. 41 I counted them as Assyrians. (Nimrud Prism IV 25-41 [Becking]) 3.

Although the Bible records Shalmaneser as the Assyrian king when the siege began, Sargon may well have been the ruling king when Samaria fell to the Assyrians. 4.

Footnotes

• 1. Holloway, Steven W. “The Quest for Sargon, Pul and Tiglath-Pileser in the Nineteenth Century.” in  Mesopotamia and the Bible. Edited by Mark W. Chavalas (London: A&C Black, 2003), 69-71; J. G. Eichhorn, Einleitung in des Alte Testament, IV 4th ed. (Gottingen: Rosenbusch, 1924): 387-89.
• 2. Paul Emile Botta and Eugene Flandin, Monument de Ninive, in 5 volumes, Imprimerie nationale, 1946-1950.
• 3. Bob Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study (SHANE, 2: Leiden: Brill, 1992), 29-30; C. J. Gadd, “Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud,” Iraq 16 (1954): 173-201, Pl. xliv-li.
• 4. For a discussion of the chronological and historical difficulties see Bob Becking, The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study (SHANE, 2: Leiden: Brill, 1992), 30-32.

For Further Study

• Albenda, Pauline. The Palace of Sargon, King of Assyria: Monumental Wall Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin, from Original Drawings Made at the Time of Their Discovery in 1843-1844 by Botta and Flandin. Paris, France: Editions Recherche sur les civilisations, 1986.
• Becking, Bob. The Fall of Samaria: An Historical and Archaeological Study. SHANE, 2: Leiden: Brill, 1992.
• Bonomi, Joseph. Ninevah and Its Palaces: The Discoveries of Botta and Layard, Applied to the Elucidation of Holy Writ, Bohn, 1957; Reprint, Piscataway, N.J.: Gorgias Press, 2003.
• Caubet, A. Khorsabad: le palais de Sargon II, roi d'Assyrie: Actes du colloque organisé au musée du Louvre par le Services culturel les 21 et 22 janvier 1994, La Documentation française, 1996, ISBN 2-11-003416-5
• Collon, D. Ancient Near Eastern Art. London: The British Museum Press, 1995.
• Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell Glenn Reddish. Lost Treasures of the Bible: Understanding the Bible Through Archaeological Artifacts in World Museums. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2008, 138-39.
• Franklin, N. “The Room V Reliefs at Dur-Sharrukin and Sargon II’s Western Campaigns.” Tel Aviv 21 (1994): 255-75. 
• Fuchs, Andreas. Die Inschriften Sargons II. aus Khorsabad, Cuvillier, 1994.
• Gadd, C. J. “Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud,” Iraq 16 (1954): 173-201, Pl. xliv-li.
• Holloway, Steven W. “The Quest for Sargon, Pul and Tiglath-Pileser in the Nineteenth Century.” Pages 68-87 in  Mesopotamia and the Bible. Mark W. Chavalas, ed. London: A&C Black, 2003. 
• Loud, Gordon. Khorsabad, Pt. 1: Excavations in the Palace and at a City Gate. Vol 38. Oriental Institute Publications, 1936.
• Loud, Gordon; Altman, C. B. Khorsabad, Pt. 2: The Citadel and the Town. Vol. 40. Oriental Institute Publications, 1938.
• Poebel, Arno. “The Assyrian King-List from Khorsabad,” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 1, No. 3 (July 1942): 247-306.
• Poebel, Arno. “The Assyrian King List from Khorsabad (Continued).” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 1, no. 4 (1942): 460–492.
• Reade, J. E. Assyrian sculpture-1. London: The British Museum Press, 1998.

Bonus 46 - Royal Steward Inscription

An inscription from Silwan (Siloam), from the lintel of a royal steward's tomb.
The name is largely obliterated (only the last two letters, "hw", survive), but is
believed to be Shebna-yahu. See also [1]. - British Museum WA 125205
Photo by Mustafaa Public Domain

The Royal Steward Inscription or Shebna Inscription is a Hebrew inscription from a lintel over a tomb discovered at Siloam (Silwan) in the Kidron Valley in Jerusalem in 1870. 1.  In 1871 the British Museum purchased the limestone inscription from the French archaeologist Charles Simon Clermont-Ganneau. Although severely damaged and only two letters of the name (hw) preserved the title of the occupants position is preserved and reads “over the house” of the king. With the help of the date of the script the inscription was finally deciphered in 1953 by the Israeli epigrapher Nahman Avigad after Yigal Yadin suggested that the name was Shebna. 2. 

Avigad’s translation reads:

“1) This  is  [the  sepulchre  of...]yahu  who  is  over  the  house.  There  is  no  silver  and  no  gold  here  2) but  [his  bones]  and  the  bones  of  his  slave-wife  with  him.  Cursed  be  the  man  3)  who  will  open  this! 3. 

The British Museum translates the text as

"This is ... [the tomb of Shebna] ...iah, the royal steward. There is no silver or gold here, only ... [his bones] ... and the bones of his maidservant with him. Cursed be the man who opens this" 4. 

The inscription over the cave is accepted by most scholars as the tomb of Shebna, the royal steward of King Hezekiah (716-686 BC) who is mentioned in Isaiah 22:15. 5. 


Footnotes

• 1. This tomb is among the necropolis of the Kidron Valley among the tombs of other notable people such as Jehoshaphat, Absalom, Zechariah and others. Nahman Avigad, “The Epitaph of a Royal Steward from Siloam Village,” Israel Exploration Journal 3, no. 3 (1953): 138.
• 2. Nahman Avigad, “The Epitaph of a Royal Steward from Siloam Village,” Israel Exploration Journal 3, no. 3 (1953): 137–152, Pls. 8–11; Robert Deutsch, “Tracking Down Shebnayahu, Servant of the King.” Biblical Archeology Review 35, no. 3 (May/Jun 2009): 45; Clermont-Ganneau did speculate that the name might be Shebnah. Charles Simon Clermont-Ganneau, Archaeological Researches in Palestine, I. (London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1899): 313.
• 3. Nahman Avigad, “The Epitaph of a Royal Steward from Siloam Village,” Israel Exploration Journal 3, no. 3 (1953): 143.
• 4. The British Museum
• 5. Deutsch, Robert, “Tracking Down Shebnayahu, Servant of the King.” Biblical Archaeology Review 35, no. 3 (May/Jun 2009): 45-49, 67.

For Further Study

• André, Parrot. “Review of N. Avigad.— The Epitaph of a Royal Steward from Siloam Village.” Syria 31, no. 3 (1954): 355–56.
• Avigad, Nahman. “The Epitaph of a Royal Steward from Siloam Village,” Israel Exploration Journal 3, no. 3 (1953): 137–152, Pls. 8–11.
•  Avigad, Nahman. “The Second Tomb-Inscription of the Royal Steward,” Israel Exploration Journal 5, no. 3 (1955): 163-166.
• Clermont-Ganneau, Charles Simon. Archaeological Researches in Palestine, I. London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1899, 305-313.
• Clermont-Ganneau, Charles Simon. Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, London: Palestine Exploration Fund, 1871 103.
• Colon, D. Ancient Near East Art. London: British Museum Press, 1995.
• Deutsch, Robert, “Tracking Down Shebnayahu, Servant of the King.” Biblical Archaeology Review 35, no. 3 (May/Jun 2009): 45-49, 67.
• Frances, F. (Ed), Treasures of the British Museum. London: British Museum Press, 1972
• Ussishkin, David. “On the Shorter Inscription from the ‘Tomb of the Royal Steward.’” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 196 (1969): 16–22.

Bonus 43 - Seal of Shema

Cast of Seal Inscribed: 'Shema, Servant Of Jerobam',
Found In Megiddo, Possibly Jerobam II. King of Israel,
9th. Cent. BC. Photo Z. Radovan.

While excavating Megiddo (1903-1905) Gottlieb Schumacher uncovered a seal made of jasper in 1904 within courtyard 1693, near the northern wall, engraved with a roaring lion (the symbol of Judah) and accompanied by an inscription which read “(Belonging) to Shemac (the) Servant (of) Jeroboam.” 1.   Most scholars agree that the inscription refers to Jeroboam II, king of Israel (ca. 787-747 BC; 2 Kgs 14:23-25). 2.  

The seal was first published by E. Kautzsch in 1904 and then by S. A. Cook in 1904 followed by Schumacher in 1908 (p. 99-100) and S. Watzinger in 1929 (p. 64-67).

Footnotes

• 1. G. Schumacher and C. Steuernagel, Tell el- Mutesellim I: A. Text (Leipzig, 1908), pp. 99-100, Fig. 147.
• 2. S. Yeivin, “The Date of the Seal ‘Belonging to Shemaʿ (The) Servant (Of) Jeroboam.’” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 19, no. 3 (1960): 205. See C. Watzinger, Tell el-Mutesellim II: Die Funde (Leipzig, 1929): 66-67. S. Yeivin (1960) and G. W. Ahlstrom (1993) argue for Jerooam I. S. Yeivin, “The Date of the Seal ‘Belonging to Shemaʿ (The) Servant (Of) Jeroboam.’” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 19, no. 3 (1960): 205.

For Further Study

• Ahlstrom, Gosta W. "The Seal of Shema." Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament 7 1993, 208-15.
• Fant, Clyde E., and Mitchell Glenn Reddish. Lost Treasures of the Bible: Understanding the Bible Through Archaeological Artifacts in World Museums. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2008.
• Lubetski, Meir, and Edith Lubetski, eds. New Inscriptions and Seals Relating to the Biblical World. Atlanta, Ga.: SBL, 2012.
• Mykytiuk, Lawrence J. Identifying Biblical Persons in Northwest Semitic Inscriptions of 1200-539 B.C.E. SBL Academia Biblica 12. Atlanta, Ga.: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004, 133-39.
• Ussishkin, David. “Gate 1567 at Megiddo and the Seal of Shema, Servant of Jeroboam,” in Scripture and Other Artifacts: Essays on the Bible and Archaeology in Honor of Phillip J. King, Michael D. Googan et. al. (Louisville: Westminster/ Knox 1994), 410-428.
• Yeivin, S. “The Date of the Seal ‘Belonging to Shemaʿ (The) Servant (Of) Jeroboam.’” Journal of Near Eastern Studies 19, no. 3 (1960): 205–12.

Bonus 42 - Pomegranate Inscription

A re-constructioned photo of
artifact reconstructed as if fully intact.
Public Domain

Perhaps one of the most famous and controversial artifacts is what is called the “Ivory Pomegranate,” which came to the world’s attention in 1979 from an antiquities shop in Jerusalem, when it was announced to the world and published by the famous French epigrapher, André Lemaire.1. Although it is a small artifact (43 mm or 1.68″ high) it contains an inscription that is important if authentic, since it is reportedly translated as “Belonging to the Temp[le of Yahwe]h, holy to the priests.”2. It would be the only evidence of the Temple of Solomon in existence if proven authentic and thus the debate over it being a forgery. It was purchased by the Israel Museum in 1988 for $550,000 and claimed to be authentic by the senor professor of archaeology at Hebrew University, Nahman Avigad.3. However, one of his students Aharon Kempinski challenged his claim and argued that it was a scepter head from a scepter from the temple of Asherah.4. The debate over its authenticity is still pending.5.  


Footnotes

• 1. André Lemaire, “Une inscription paleo-hebraique sur grenade en ivoire,” Revue Biblique 88 (1981): 236–39
• 2. Shanks, Hershal. “The Pomegranate Scepter Head—From the Temple of the Lord or from a Temple of Asherah?” Biblical Archaeology Review 18:03 (May/June 1992), 42.
• 3. Nahman Avigad, Avigad, Nahman. “An Inscribed Ivory Pomegranate from the ‘House of the Lord’,” Qadmoniot 22, no. 3-4 (1989): 95-102 (Hebrew); “The Inscribed Pomegranate from the ‘House of the Lord,’” The Israel Museum Journal 8 (1989): 7; Yuval Goren et al., “A Re-Examination of the Inscribed Ivory Pomegranate from the Israel Museum,” Israel Exploration Journal 55 (2005): 3.
• 4. Kempinski, Aharon. “Is It Really a Pomegranate from the ‘Temple of Yahweh?’” Qadmoniot 23 (1990): 126 (in Hebrew).
• 5. Shanks, Hershel. “First Person: A New Target.”  Biblical Archaeology Review November/December 2014.

For further Study
Ahituv, Shmuel, Aaron Demsky, Yuval Goren and André Lemaire (2007). “The Inscribed Pomegranate from the Israel Museum Examined Again”. Israel Exploration Journal 57 (1): 87–95
Anzy, Michal “Prize Find: Pomegranate Scepters and Incense Stand with Pomegranates Found in Priest’s Grave,” Biblical Archaeology Review 16:01
Avigad, Nahman “The Inscribed Pomegranate from the ‘House of the Lord’.” Ancient Jerusalem Revealed, Geva, H. (ed.), Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1994, 128-137.
Avigad, Nahman. “An Inscribed Ivory Pomegranate from the ‘House of the Lord’,” Qadmoniot 22, no. 3-4 (1989): 95-102 (Hebrew).
Avigad, Nahman. “It Is Indeed a Pomegranate from the ‘Temple of Yahweh,’” Qadmoniot 24 (1991), 60- (in Hebrew).
Avigad, Nahman. “The Inscribed Pomegranate from the ‘House of the Lord’.” The Israel Museum Journal 8 (1989): 7-16.
Avigad, Nahman. “The inscribed Pomegranate from the ‘House of the Lord’.” The Biblical Archaeologist 53 (September 1990), 157-166.
Dobbs F. W. et al., Hebrew Inscriptions, texts from the Biblical Period of the Monarchy with Concordance, Yale University Press, New Haven (2005)
Goren, Yuval, Shmuel Aḥituv, Avner Ayalon, Miryam Bar-Matthews, Uzi Dahari, Michal Dayagi-Mendels, Aaron Demsky and Nadav Levin. “Authenticity examination of the ivory pomegranate bearing a palaeo-Hebrew dedication inscription from the Israel Museum.” Israel Exploration Journal 55, no 1 (2005), 3-20.
Goren. Yuval et al., “A Re-Examination of the Inscribed Ivory Pomegranate from the Israel Museum,” Israel Exploration Journal 55 (2005): 3-20.
Goren. Yuval et al., “The Inscribed Pomegranate from the Israel Museum Examined Again,” Israel Exploration Journal 57 (2007): 87-
Kempinski, Aharon. “Is It Really a Pomegranate from the ‘Temple of Yahweh?’” Qadmoniot 23 (1990), p. 126 (in Hebrew).
Lemaire, André. “A Re-examination of the Inscribed Pomegranate: A Rejoinder,” Israel Exploration Journal 56 (2006), 167-.
Lemaire, André. “Probable Head of Priestly Scepter from Solomon’s Temple Surfaces in Jerusalem,” Biblical Archaeology Review 10 no. 1 (January/February 1984), 24-29.
Lemaire, André. “Une inscription paleo-hebraique sur grenade en ivoire,” Revue Biblique 88 (1981): 236–39.
Shanks, Hershal. “The Pomegranate Scepter Head—From the Temple of the Lord or from a Temple of Asherah?” Biblical Archaeology Review 18, no. 3 (May/June 1992): 42-5.
Shanks, Hershel. “First Person: A New Target. ” November/December 2014 Biblical Archaeology Review 2014. http://www.biblicalarchaeology.org/daily/biblical-artifacts/inscriptions/first-person-a-new-target/
Shanks, Hershel. “Pomegranate, Sole Relic from Solomon’s Temple, Smuggled out of Israel, Now Recovered.” Moment 13 (1988): 36-43.
Ward, Cheryl. “Pomegranates in Eastern Mediterranean Contexts during the Late Bronze Age.” World Archaeology 34, no. 3 (2002): 529-541.

Bonus 8 - Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus

Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus, at the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris,
Département des manuscrits, Grec 9, fol. 60r (rotated)
Public Domain

The biblical text of the Codex Ephraemi was recovered from underneath the later text of a 12th century monk who copied the discourses of Ephraim Syrus overtop the earlier biblical manuscript. This practice is called a palimpset rescriptus and was common due to limited writing material. 1.  The text was written on top of the earlier erased text. Metzger describes it as follows: “An important palimpsest of the Scriptures is the fifth-century copy of the Greek Bible known as the Codex Ephraemi, which was erased in the twelfth century to receive the homilies of Saint Ephraem, a Syrian church father of the fourth century.” 2.  Modern chemical processes was able to restore the erased text and reveal the biblical text underneath the older manuscript. It revealed the entire NT except 2 Thessalonians and 2 John together with parts of the OT. Parker records that “There are 63 OT leaves extant (containing parts of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles, Job, Wisdom, and Sirach) and 145 of the NT (in which every canonical book is represented).” 3.  It has been identified as an Alexandrian text and dates to the fifth century AD. Based on the hand writing the OT and NT were copied by different scribes. 4.   Parker states that: “In the early 16th century the codex was brought to Italy, and passed into the possession of Catherine de Medici, with whom it went to Paris [Bibliothèque Nationale], where it has remained ever since.” 5.  Due to its careless calligraphy it is believed that it was copied for private use. 6.

Footnotes

• 1. D. C. Parker, “Codex: Codex Ephraimi Rescriptus.” Edited by David Noel Freedman, Gary A. Herion, David F. Graf, and John David Pleins. Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1996. 1:1073
• 2. Bruce M. Metzger, Manuscripts of the Greek Bible: An Introduction to Greek Palaeography (Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1981), 325.
• 3. Parker, “Codex: Codex Ephraimi Rescriptus.” 1:1073.
• 4. R. W. A Lyon, “Re-Examination of Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus,” New Testament Studies 5 (1959): 266–72.
• 5. Parker, “Codex: Codex Ephraimi Rescriptus.” 1:1074.
• 6. Ibid.

For Further Study

• Aland, Kurt, and Barbara Aland. The Text of the New Testament an Introduction to the Critical Editions and to the Theory and Practice of Modern Textual Criticism. Translated by Erroll F. Rhodes. 2nd ed. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1995.
• Comfort, Philip W., and David P. Barrett, eds. The Text of the Earliest New Testament Greek Manuscripts. Corrected and Enlarged ed. Wheaton, Ill.: Tyndale, 2001. 
• Comfort, Philip. Encountering the Manuscripts: An Introduction to New Testament Paleography and Textual Criticism. Nashville, Tenn.: Broadman & Holman, 2005.
• Dunn, M. R. An Examination of the Textual Character of Codex Ephraimi Syri Rescriptus (C 04) in the Four Gospels. PhD Dissertation, South Western Baptist Seminary 1990.
• Finegan, Jack. Encountering New Testament Manuscripts: A Working Introduction to Textual Criticism. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1974.
• Hatch, William Henry. The Principal Uncial Manuscripts of the New Testament. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1939.
• Hernández, Juan. Scribal Habits and Theological Influences in the Apocalypse: The Singular Readings of Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, and Ephraemi. Leiden: Mohr Siebeck, 2006, 132-155.
• Kenyon, Frederic G. Our Bible and the Ancient Manuscripts (4th ed.). London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1939, 121–128.
• Lyon, R. W. A “Re-Examination of Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus,” New Testament Studies 5 (1959): 266–72.
• Metzger, Bruce M. Manuscripts of the Greek Bible: An Introduction to Greek Palaeography. Oxford, U.K.: Oxford University Press, 1981. 
• Oliver, Harold H. “A Textual Transposition in Codex C (Ephraemi Syri Rescriptus).” Journal of Biblical Literature 76 no. 3 (1957): 233–36.
• Parker, D. C. “Codex: Codex Ephraimi Rescriptus.” Edited by David Noel Freedman, Gary A. Herion, David F. Graf, and John David Pleins. Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1996. 1:1073–1074.
• Stone, R. B. “The Life and Hard Times of Ephraimi Rescriptus.” The Bible Today 24 (1986): 112–18.
• Tischendorf, Constantine. Codex Ephraemi Syri rescriptus, sive Fragmenta Veteris Testamenti. Lipsiae: Tauchnitz Jr., 1845.